5 Urgents Step that India must take to tackle Corona crisis

It is scary.

Either the Government has not learnt any lesson from the experience of the 3weeks’ lockdown, or the PM is unable to express what the Government has learnt and has therefore acted on.

5 things if Government listens to me:

1) My guess is that March salary is more or less paid without cuts. A significant number of people won’t get April salary. This, in addition to the daily wage earner crisis will topple the country’s law and order upside down. Help the businesses to pay salaries. It’s difficult to put money into accounts as the Aadhaar project as an identity program got derailed to an authentication program. Pay the businesses to pay salaries as one of the cash programs. Other cash programs need more thinking. Perhaps paying to the merchant may be an idea. Start an outreach program now.

2) This is an emergency and food stocks need to be utilised like in an emergency giving it in every tehsil and blocks of the country. More emphasis should be given to the URBAN poor.  They should be given assistance that they will be taken care of. There should not be any documentation to be presented for food. Believe me, the people who has food at home won’t come out for free food, for fear of Corona. Wherever possible cooked food should be given, using the machinery of the mid day meal program. Most importantly, covid testing should be focused on these resulting activity areas. All distribution centres should be tracked closely for outbreaks.

3) Road / Water / Train Transport should be strategically opened with rules of minimum social distancing. Rules are as follows: 1) Make a map of buses and train routes that are a must to operate for migrant workers. 2) Only 36 Tickets to be issued per train bogey 2) One Ticket per seat of 2/3 in a bus 3) All state transports should pick the tab 4) No standing traffic in any of these public transport. 5) Clear announcements for only essential travel 6) Make approach to train and railway stations narrow / zigzag to minimise and regularise the flow of passengers 7) Increased testing /Tracking of Corona cases in these focused points of likely gathering. 8/ Change the ringtone to announce only essential travel

4) Strategic manufacturing and Goods transport must start with rules of social distancing. With reduced demand, these two sectors will anyway work less than capacity. Daily tracking of these regions for outbreak is a must. We must allow only closed group manufacturing setups and townships. A map has to be drawn.

5) Since we have limited testing infrastructure, we must focus this infra towards economic and social activity areas only, apart from testing the sick. Test, trace and close the area has to be done with increased focus.

Covid 19 like any living organism will try to survive all sorts of intervention, just like we are trying to survive. So it is quite likely that we can’t stop it from spreading. Complete lockdown has not flattened the spreading curve. One day the lockdown has to end and the virus will find its survival instincts. The only way is to spend the lockdown or semi lockdown stage to DISCIPLINE our civilisation into a structure where we see more permanent physical distancing at one side, and more testing and tracing technology on the other side. According to me, scientists should spend more time in getting a more conclusive and cheaper testing infrastructure than to find a cure. Finding a cure for a virus is tough and a cure for a 2% fatal virus cannot be primary focus. Testing and tracing will be an easier bet on our limited resources.

Please don’t let the situation go out of hand. India can not handle a complete lockdown for another 20 days.

We are all different, and we have to co-exist happily.

TO BE HAPPY WE HAVE TO FIRST ACCEPT THAT EACH ONE OF US IS DIFFERENT.

In a national context, this becomes even more important.

Pierre Trudeau, who many consider a Visionary including myself, had said this amazingly frank statement about his Canadian citizens,

“There is no such thing as a model or ideal Canadian. What could be more absurd than the concept of an "all Canadian" boy or girl? A society which emphasizes uniformity is one which creates intolerance and hate.”

Now compare this to the writings of MS Gowalkar whose ideas are being made popular in India every passing day.

He wrote that India’s independence in 1947 didn’t constitute real freedom because the founders accepted ‘the perverted concept of territorial nationalism’, which considers all who lives on India’s territory as equal constituents of the nation. He wrote that territorial nationalism is unnatural, unscientific and lifeless hybrid, as compared to the nationalism that is derived from the national culture - ancient and sublime Hinduism.

The suggestion that only a Hindu can be an authentic Indian is an attack to the very ethos of humanity that lives in India. It ends the possibility of a JUST society as majoritarian emotions will marginalise the minority rights.

To this context, Mr Trudeau says,
“The JUST Society will be the one in which the rights of minorities will be safe from the whims of intolerant majorities”.

On a question from a high school student about what happened to his promises of a "Just Society”, he jokingly said, “The next time you see Jesus Christ, ask Him what happened to the just society He promised 2,000 years ago”.

Mr Trudeau firmly believed that “The attainment of a just society is the cherished hope of civilized men. While perhaps more difficult to formulate for groups than for individuals, even the members of majorities — political, religious, linguistic or economic — must know what it is to suffer injustice. My Government is deeply concerned to provide and to ensure increased justice, dignity and recognition to the individual, particularly in an age which is characterized by large governments, industrial automation, social regimentation and old-fashioned laws”.

Mr Trudeau is a nationalist and his love for Canada is well known. But it is based on equality and justice. He brought parliamentary sovereignty to Canada out of UK in 1982. He kept Canada together with his inclusive plural policies when separatism was at its peak.

Even when he had to implement bilingualism (English & French) in Canada he had clarified that

“Bilingualism is NOT an imposition on the citizens. The citizens can go on speaking one language or six languages, or no languages if they so choose. Bilingualism is an imposition on the state and not the citizens.”

He once famously said, “There's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation”.

The reason why I thought of Trudeau today is my increasing doubt that India is moving towards majoritarianism, which Trudeau fought till the end, where Muslims and other minorities are not respected. Constant hate has been fed to the innocent minds, even in the times of a world pandemic; and in the absence of a global perspective, sadly, this hatred seems logical and a birth right of the majority.

The ideas of Gowalkar are stemming root like never before. All the three heads of the the country - The PM, the President and the Vice President have learnt their nationalism from the teachings of Gowalkar and RSS. And Gowalkar believed that democracy is a western concept, alien to Hindu culture.

One learned friend tells me recently that constitution was written by humans only. It can be changed and a Hindu Rashtra can be declared just like a secular state was declared in 1950. This surprised me immensely because India was never so frank and open about wanting to be a Hindu Rashtra.

I agree when Gowalkar says ‘territorial nationalism’ is unnatural. Majoritarianism is indeed instinctive and natural in all animal species. That is the reason we needed a constitution to bring in equality, justice and secularism.

Our founding fathers knew that majoritarianism is a recipe for disaster.

Every small region has a majority of some kind. In Assam, Assamese is a majority. Within Assam, in Silchar, Bengali is a majority. India is a Hindu majority but Kashmir is a Muslim majority. Certain constituencies are Muslim majority. Then there are caste majority regions. Who can stop the fire when the animal instinct becomes an acceptable norm? Fanning majoritarianism is simply calling for anarchy, riots and disintegration of united India.

As Mr Shashi Tharoor puts it, “An India that denies itself to some of us could end up being denied to all of us”.

Trudeau had said, “I believe a constitution can permit the co-existence of several cultures and ethnic groups with a single state”.

Like in a marriage to be happy, we say that we have to accept that each one of us is different; we have to say the same for a country to be happy.

Just like territorial nationalism, marriage is also argued by some as ‘unnatural’. But can we even think of killing the institution of marriage? Marriage was the first institution required when humans settled down and stopped being nomads.

TO BE HAPPY WE HAVE TO FIRST ACCEPT THAT EACH ONE OF US IS DIFFERENT.

Fact Check - Did Parliamentary Standing Committee of 2003 supported CAA 2019

What does the Parliamentary Standing Committee really say about giving citizenship to those persecuted in Bangladesh and Pakistan?

BJP has been citing a parliamentary standing committee on Citizenship Amendment Act 2003 to prove that the Congress and the left had concluded that religious minorities in Bangladesh and Pakistan should be given citizenship. And religious minority in these countries cannot be Muslim.

I would like to clear this narrative by citing statements directly from the report. 

1. Firstly, this committee although headed by a Congressman Pranab Mukherjee, had members of all parties including the BJP. From Assam, it had the BJP MP, Rajen Gohain. It had the very powerful BJP leader, Pramod Mahajan. So we cannot conclude that the remarks in the report were of Congress and the left. BJP spokespeople like Sambit Patra demeans a parliamentary committee by making it one party voice.
2. Secondly, the very objectives of the report had these two exact statements - 1) making acquisition of Indian citizenship by registration and naturalisation more stringent and 2) preventing illegal migrants from becoming eligible for Indian citizenship. These two points very clearly make the report against giving citizenship frivolously without much thought on rules, processes and overall implementation strategy.
3. The 107th report of course mentions large number of representations from different organisations expressing concerns that people being persecuted in Bangladesh and Pakistan and forced to leave their ancestral homes would now be detected & deported under CAA 2003. It was pleaded by the petitioners for grant of citizenship and other facilities to such migrants by the Government of India. To this concern, the report said this exact statement, “While expressing sympathies for such refugees, Members were of the view that instead of granting citizenship to these refugees, it would be better if this problem was tackled as per the international law and convention”. The report suggested a two pronged strategy which is in no way supports CAA 2019. It wrote exactly this. “Adoption of a two-pronged strategy to deal with the problem was favoured.  On the one hand, Members were for extending all humanitarian assistance to such ‘REFUGEES’ (emphasis added by author) while on the other, they wanted the Government to put pressure through diplomatic channels on the governments of the countries from where these refugees were coming, either as a result of religious persecution or civil commotion, to create conducive atmosphere in their countries for early return of the refugees.  
4. Presently, many BJP members are also citing the commitment made by the national leaders at the time of partition to facilitate the entry of Hindus from Pakistan to India with a view to save them from religious persecution in Pakistan. Even this point was discussed in this parliamentary committee. The report wrote exactly this, “This commitment, they felt depended on circumstances but, was, however, not an unending or open-ended one.  They believed that it would be extremely difficult for India to accommodate such refugees, as its own citizens were feeling the pinch of growing population, poverty and unemployment”.
5. The exact statement that BJP cites is this line, “Citizenship should be granted only to Bangladeshi minority refugees and not to refugees belonging to majority community”. This is quite interesting because this line is from section 3.2 which deals in the major points received via memorandums from various organisations against a press ad asking for representations and memoranda. These are points from other organisations and not of the report!! We must see some of the other points received by the committee: 1) Indian citizenship should be granted to Bangladeshi and Pakistani minority refugees. 2) Refugees, who entered India after 25 March 1971, should be treated as legal migrants. (Author note: This point if agreed would cancel out Assam Accord) 3) Citizenship should not be available to Bangladeshi minorities. 

See the contrasts in the points and it proves the plurality of representations.

So clearly, the Congress and the Left are not saying anything different today. The parliamentary committee is being cited wrongly by the BJP with malafide intentions of distracting the population.

Comments on the speech by Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma in the Assam Assembly on 13th January 2020

হিমন্ত বিশ্ব শৰ্মা ডাঙৰীয়াৰ এই ভাষণভাগ আমি সকলো অসমৰ ৰাইজে শুনিব লাগে৷ যদিওঁ তথ্যবোৰ আগ বঢ়াঁওতে তেওঁৰ হিন্দু ধৰ্মৰ প্ৰতি থকা দুৰ্বলতা আৰু বিজেপিৰ প্ৰতি থকা দ্বায়বদ্ধতাৰ কাৰণে যুক্তিবিহীন হোৱা দেখা গৈছে আৰু শব্দৰ মায়াজাল এখন বৈছে, তথাপিও তথ্য কেইটা আমি সকলোৱে জানিবলগীয়া৷

মোৰ কেইতামান যুক্তি আছে ভাৰত আৰু অসমৰ এজন নাগৰিক হিচাবে, আৰু দেশখনৰ শান্তি আৰু প্ৰগতিৰ প্ৰতি দ্বায়বদ্ধ কাৰণে৷ হিমন্ত ডাঙৰীয়াই বাৰে বাৰে কোৱাৰ দৰে মইও কৈছো যে ভুল হলে শুধৰাই দিয়েযেন৷
এই যুক্তিখিনি লেখাৰ মূল উদ্দেশ্য হৈছে যে আমি সকলোৱে আমাৰ দেশখন, আমাৰ সংবিধানখন ভালকৈ বুজি পাব লাগিব৷ দেশৰ হকে চিন্তা কৰোতে আবেগৰ পৰা অলপ আঁতৰি আহিব আমি পাৰিব লাগিব৷

১) আমাৰ দেশত এজন সাংসদ, চৰকাৰী আমোলা বা সামৰিক বাহিনীৰ বিষয়ায়ে সকলো সময়তে ধৰ্ম নিৰপেক্ষ্য হবই লাগিব৷ সাধাৰণ নাগৰিক এজনৰ বেলেগ মত এটা থাকিব পাৰে৷ এই ভাষণযোগে হিমন্ত ডাঙৰীয়া যে মুছলমান বিৰুধী সেইটো বিধানসভাৰ মজিয়াত জলজল পতপত কে উলাই পৰিছে৷ CAA অনা কাৰণটো যে ধৰ্মীয়, তাক এই ভাষণে ভাল দৰে উপস্থাপন কৰিছে। বিজেপি নেতৃত্বই বাৰে বাৰে কব বিচাৰিছে যে CAA খন secular। সেই ভাষ্যটোক এই ভাষণে উফৰাই দিছে। সেইকাৰণে তেওঁ ভাষণত কোৱাৰ দৰে ৰাজনীতি এৰাই ভাল৷ এই দেশখনৰ আইনে তেওঁক গ্ৰেপটাৰো কৰিব পাৰে এনেকুৱা ধৰ্মভিত্তিত এখন ’যুদ্ধৰ’ ঘোষণা কৰা বাবে৷

২) অসম চুক্তিখন যে হিমন্ত ডাঙৰীয়াই এতিয়াহে ভালকৈ পঢ়িছে, এই কথাষাৰে মোক বহুত দুখ দিছে৷ আৰু বা কিমান জন নেতায়ে হৈতো পঢ়িচোৱা নাই, ভাৱিবলৈয়েই ভয় লাগিছে৷ হয়, সচাঁয়ে অসম চুক্তি ৰুপায়নৰ ক্ষেত্ৰত অসমে বহুতখিনি কৰিবলগীয়া থাকি গ’ল৷ তাৰ কাৰণ আজি বুজিব পাৰিছো৷ প্ৰথম সত্যটো হৈছে অসম চুক্তিৰ দফাখিনি সংসদৰ (parliament) মজিয়াত কেতিয়াও উপস্থাপন কৰা হোৱা নাই আৰু সেইবাবে ১৯৮৫ চনৰ পাছত হোৱা যিকোনো বহিৰাগত বা Foreigner related সংশোধনীবোৰত অসম চুক্তিৰ কথা সামৰি লোৱা হোৱা নাই৷
মোৰ ব্যক্তিগত ধাৰনা যে এই সকলোবোৰ সংশোধনী অসমে অসম চুক্তিৰ দায়ৰাত থাকি অৱলম্বন কৰিব লাগে বা লাগিছিল৷ এই ভাষণত থিকেই কৈছে এক প্ৰকাৰে যে অসম চুক্তিৰ আগতেও উলঙ্ঘন হৈছে কিন্তু সেইবুলিয়েই আকৌ হব দিব লাগে বুলি মই নেভাৱো৷ আগতে কৰা ভুলবোৰ যিহেতো চুক্তিখন পঢ়ি নোছোৱা আৰু অভিজ্ঞতাৰ অভাৱত হল, এইবাৰ যিহেতো পঢ়িচোৱা হ’ল, ভালদৰে আইনৰ অভিজ্ঞ এজনৰ লগত আলোচনা কৰি অসম চুক্তি ৰুপায়নৰ সকলো চেষ্টা কৰাটোৱেই ভাল বুলি মই ভাৱিছো৷

৩) আমাৰ ভাৰতখন ১৯৫০ চনৰ পৰা আৰম্ভ হৈছে৷ ইয়াত কাৰোবাৰ কিবা সংদেহ আছে যদি আঁতৰাই লোৱাই ভাল৷ আমি সংবিধানখনৰ মতে চলো বুলি যদি গৰ্ব কৰো তেনেহলে সত্য এয়াই৷ ২৬/০১/১৯৫০ এই তাৰিখৰ পৰা হে আমি SECULAR, DEMOCRATIC, FEDERAL REPUBLIC হৈছো৷ এই তাৰিখৰ আগতে কোন ৰজাই কেইতা মন্দিৰ ভাঙিছে, কেইটা বনাইছে সেই জ্ঞান আমাৰ আজি তাৰিখত বুৰঞ্জীহে মাথোন৷ আমি ৰাজনিতীৰ দায়ৰাত হিন্দুপ্ৰধান দেশ নহয় বুলি সংবিধান লিখিলোঁ৷
পিছে Aurangzebএ কেইটা মন্দিৰ বনাইছে (হয় বনাইছে),তাৰো হিচাব মই দিব পাৰো৷ এই ভাষণত অনা বুৰঞ্জী কিছো সচাঁ আৰু কিছু মিছা৷ হয়, চুকাফা আক্ৰমণকাৰী আছিল৷ ১২০০ শতিকাৰ পাছতহে আহোমৰ অসম যাত্ৰা৷ আজি তেওঁলোক অসমীয়া৷ হয়টো আহোম অহাৰ আগতেও মুছলমান সকল এই অঞ্চলত আছিল৷ কিন্তু এই তথ্যৰ আজিৰ ভাৰত বা অসমত ৰাজনিতীৰ কাৰণে কোনো ভিত্তি থাকিব নোৱাৰে৷ আমাৰ চৰকাৰৰ চিন্তা, পৰিকল্পনা আৰু পলিচিৰ ক্ষেত্ৰত এই বুৰঞ্জীৰ কোনো কাম নাই৷ হিমন্ত ডাঙৰিয়াই মৰা ৰণহুংকাৰৰ আজিৰ ভাৰতত কোনো দৰকাৰ নাই৷ আমাৰ ৰাইজে বুজক আৰু এনেকুৱা ৰণহুংকাৰৰ সঠিক প্ৰতিউত্তৰ নিৰ্বাচনত দিয়ক৷
আমাক হিন্দু বা মুছলমান ভাল পোৱা আৰু ধৰ্মৰ নামত আবেগিক হৈ যোৱা নেতা নেলাগে, আমাক অসমীয়া নেতা লাগে৷ এজন মাৰোৱাৰী নেতায়ো ভাল অসমীয়া নেতা হ’ব পাৰে৷ তেওঁ অসমৰ অসম চুক্তিৰ বা আন কোনো আন্দোলন কৰি পোৱা চুক্তিৰ হকে সফলতাৰে মাত মাতিব পাৰিব পাৰে৷

৪) অসম চুক্তিৰ বছৰটো ১৯৬৬ নে ১৯৭১ সেই বিষয়টো অনা কাৰণে ভাল হৈছে৷ এই বিষয়ে জানিব কাৰণে আমি চুক্তিখন সকলোৱে পঢ়ি চাব লাগে৷ মোৰ অভিমত হৈছে যে উচ্চতম ন্যায়ালয়ে এন আৰ চি কৰোতে ১৯৭১ চনক ভাৱি লৈছে আৰু অসমৰ সকলোৱে তাৰিখটো মানি লোৱা দেখা গৈছে৷ সেইকাৰণে আমি আকৌ এই তাৰিখটো বিধান সভাৰ মজিয়াত আনি চুক্তিখন যে আগতেও উলঙ্ঘা হৈছে সেইটো স্থাপন কৰা কোনো ইতিবাচক চিন্তা হব নোৱাৰে৷
এইটো সচাঁ যে সময় প্ৰগতিশীল হব লাগে আৰু সময়ে অসম চুক্তিখনো প্ৰগতিশীল কৰি লৈ যাব লাগে৷ সংশোধন হোৱা মানেই violation বা উলঙ্ঘা নুবুজায়৷ ভাষণটোত ধৰি ৰখা উলঙ্ঘনবোৰ violation বুলি কোৱাটো সঠিক বুলি মই নেভাৱো, কাৰণ আমাৰ চুক্তিখন সংসদত উপস্থাপনেই হোৱা নাই৷ যদিও বহু দেৰিয়েই হৈছে, তথাপিও আমি বিধান সভাত এই বিষয়ে আলোচনা কৰিব লাগে৷ যিহেতো ৰাইজ চুক্তিখন লৈ আবেগিক, অসমৰ ৰাজ্য চৰকাৰে জ্ঞানীলোকৰ সহায় লৈ অসম চুক্তিৰ constitutionality বিচাৰি উলিয়াব লাগিব আৰু ভৱিষ্যতে কি কৰা উচিত, তাৰ সিদ্ধান্ত লোৱাটো অতি দৰকাৰ হৈ পৰিছে বুলি মই ভাৱো। অসম চুক্তিত থকা অমিমাংখিত বিষয়বোৰ অসমৰ ৰাইজে মিমাংখা কৰিবলৈ সুবিধা কৰি দিয়াটোয়েই উচিত কথা হব বুলি ভাৱো। কেন্দ্ৰীয় নীতিবোৰে অসম চুক্তিখন চেদেলি-ফেদেলি কৰা বুলি ৰাইজে বুজ ললে কথা বিষম হোৱাৰ সম্ভাৱনা নথকা নহয়।

৫) হিমন্ত ডাঙৰীয়াই ৰিফিউজী আৰু নাগৰিকতাৰ মাজৰ প্ৰাথক্য নজনাটো অতি দুখৰ কথা। ভাৰতৰ Refugee policy নেথাকিলেও শব্দটোৰ অৰ্থজনাত অসুবিধা হব নেলাগিছিল। এই শব্দটোৰ অৰ্থ নজনা দেখাই তেওঁ ডাঙৰ কথা এটা উপস্থাপন কৰিব বিচাৰিছে। কংগ্ৰেছ চৰকাৰ আৰু তৰুণ গগৈ ডাঙৰীয়াক তেওঁ নিজৰ লগত সামৰি লব বিচাৰিছে। পিছে এই যুক্তিয়ে গোটেই ভাষণটোক শেষ কৰি দিছে।
আজিৰ চলি থকা আন্দোলনখন নাগৰিকতাৰ প্ৰশ্নক লৈ হৈছে। তাক সাম কতাবলৈ দিয়া ভাষণভাগে refugee শব্দটোৰ অৰ্থ আন্দোলন কৰা সকলে বুজি নেপাই বুলি ভৱাটো ভাল হোৱা নাই বুলি মই ভাৱো।